Akcja Wisla (in Polish) Operation Vistula (in English) - Ukrainians just called themselves chased or pushed.
Click to enlarge.
Map showing where people were re-distributed when they were chased out of their ancesteral homes in the years surrounding1947.
Losie (Nowy Sacz County, Poland)
Akcja Visla, my own Lemko family was deported from the village of Losie
(Nowy Sacz County) to the devasted,
former German lands in western Poland (near
Wroclaw, which used to be Breslau, Germany). And yes,
it was truly a horrid, gut-wrenching experience
that no one should ever have to endure.
it's still hard for many people in Poland
to make a good living these days -- particularly if they live in small,
out-of-the-way villages. And people on pensions have a tough time. But
we've got the same thing here. And since becoming a member
of the EU, things in Poland have gotten much better.
Polish Home Army - Operation Vistula
Submitted by Laurence Krupnak firstname.lastname@example.org
Researching People Lost in Operation Vistula (Akcja Wisla)
Some time ago, some of you were interested in contact information in regards to Operation Vistula. I have written to the Instytut Pamieci Narodowej (The Institute of National Remembrance - The Commission For The Prosecution of Crimes Against the Polish Nation and have received a reply.
So, if anyone is interested in receiving information on your loved ones that were part of Operation Vistula, this is where to write. You may e-mail them directly and in English - does not have to be in the Polish Language. Office of the President: email@example.com or <http://ipn.gov.pl/en/contact and they will respond by registered letter within two to three months.
Perhaps you can shed some light on a subject for me. I remember as a child (in the 1940's) my father receiving a (smuggled) letter from his sister in Poland (who had stayed in Dudynce, Poland and was given the family farm). She later married. They were Greek Catholics. She stated in the letter that the Russians "came in the night" and loaded the elderly (and some not that old) into trucks. They (including my relatives) were taken to Siberia and "dumped in the snow" to fend for themselves. In later years, contact was made between my grandfather here in the US and my aunt in Siberia and they corresponded. Upon my grandfather's death nobody evidently thought it important to keep my aunt's address and so that branch of the family is now a mystery to me. Is this part of being "resettled" that you spoke of? Where would I find further information regarding my family's location in Siberia?
Since it happened over 60 years ago and I was a small
child at the time...I really don't know exactly what year this occurred.
I do remember that the family discussed that the letter had been smuggled
into the US (by whom I don't know) and didn't come via regular mail. The
Russians referred to evidently were the Russian soldiers that occupied the
Dudynce, PL area during that era. Thank you for any information you might
Have a great day, Mary-Ann
The period of time that your relatives cruelly where deported was the beginning of the Holocaust, shortly after the 1939 September Campaign (Defence War). The Defence War lasted from September 1, 1939 to October, 1939. The Nazis and Soviets were in joint control of that area, where your relatives lived.
Prior to the Defence War, Hitler made it clear the Poles (inhabitants of Poland - all Polish citizens) were Untermenschen (subhumans), who occupied a land, which was part of the Lebensraum (living space) that belonged to the superior German race. The Poles were subjected to a program of extermination and enslavement. As Hitler stated, "Be merciless! Be brutal... it is necessary to proceed with maximum severity.... The war is to be a war of annihilation."
Deportation started, around February 1940 in the cold of winter, and they came knocking in the middle of the night. Some Poles were sent to Forced Labour Camps, under the newly formed German General Government and some Poles were sent East by the Soviets to the Gulag.
To make contact with your family try:
Centralne Biuro Adresowe
Sekcja Zapytan Zagranicznych
ul. Kazimierzowska 60
"You can write your letter in English. They will reply in Polish. Give them as much information as you can. A must is the village or town in which they lived and the province. Give as much information as you can, i. e. your ancestors full name (using maiden names, also), dates of birth, siblings names and where they were from. In other words, you are giving them all the data they need for you to connect with the known relative you wish to contact. Give them that person's full name and their ancestors.
They will not let you know where your relatives are. They will contact them, and if they wish to reach you, they will. Send a letter to your relative in another envelope for them to mail it to them. Tell them the relationship to this person you wish to contact and how you connect with them as a relative."
Danuta - Daughter of Non Jewish Holocaust Survivors
In 1945 Stalin wanted Poles in Poland,
and Rusyns in USSR (according to Yalta agreement). The Ukrainian
partisans (UPA) were still running around the Carpathians. The posters
and agents claiming that Ukraine (dominated by Stalin) was better, weren't
Military units went into villages to persuade the people to "voluntarily" get out. Everything from a single hanging to get the message out to huge massacres and burning of the villages occurred.
The priest gathered up a hundred families in my village in 1946, and took them to Ukraine, where most of them still remain. The mother of a friend said, "We had to go, or they would have shot us." Another hundred or so families who didn't go, got sent to Silesia in 1947, as part of Operation Visla.
Many people were intimidated (executed) to leave before Operation Vistula began.
I. Charsky & Co.
I. Charsky & Co. Law Firm is the largest firm worldwide in the field of Polish citizenships and handles requests from clients from all over the world who, as descendants of former Polish citizens are interested in obtaining Polish citizenship. The firm also specializes in the restitution of property in Poland to the rightful owners. www.icharsky.com
Contact person: Mandy Maor, Advocate, E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org
On 11/15/11 John Magyari email@example.com wrote:
I'm going through the data in the Polish Version of E. Misilo Akcja Wisla.
Unfortunately I do not have a scan of the whole book, but I do have scans of 2 areas the first which shows ~774 Village Names pages 404-423 the second which shows # people, # cows, # horses, # goats, Loading Station, Departure Date, Unloading Station, Date Of Arrival number displaced and the trains they were placed on pages 428-449.
The Ukrainian Version has 561 pages the Polish Version has 524 pages
1) data for Nowy Sacz District this appears to be missing from my Polish version maybe it's on pages prior to 428 or after page 423, could anyone who has the Polish and Ukrainian Version of this book check and see if they have Nowy Sacz District info?
2) I noticed that the nearby Lemko villages of Pulawy (1936 population 692) , Tarnawka (pop. 424), and Zawoje (pop. 302) are not listed on pages 417-419 Sanok Area. Although in 1946 many probably went to Ukraine, I would assume there were some that were displaced via Vistula. Could someone check and see if they are listed in the Ukrainian Version?
3) I assume that on page 419 Sanok region, Wislok refers to both these Lemko villages together Wislok Gorny and Wislok Dolny?
Population Exchanges Between Poland and the U.S.S.R.: A Prelude to Akcja Wisla (Operation Vistula)
When faced with the opportunity to participate in the transfer of minority populations with the Soviet Union in 1944, the Polish government agreed in the hope of solving its nationality conflict. Feeling betrayed and angered by the violent reaction of the Ukrainian population, the leadership adopted a resettlement campaign. Ukrainians were deported voluntarily and then forcibly, as the Polish government set out to retrieve its nationals and to achieve its goal of a homogeneous state. Poland's frustrating loss of land at the end of World War II only further exacerbated the government's negative attitude towards its national minorities. Thus, the population transfers that took place between Poland and the U.S.S.R. from 1944 to 1946 marked only the beginning of the evacuation of Ukrainians from southeastern Poland.
The negative Polish sentiment towards its minorities manifested itself in the signing of an agreement regarding population transfers between Poland and the U.S.S.R. on September 9, 1944. It should, therefore, be noted that the idea to relocate Poland's Ukrainian population originated, not in 1947, but before World War II had even ended. The agreement stipulated that "people of Ukrainian, Belorussian, Russian, and Rusyn nationality" living in Poland should be "evacuated" to Soviet Ukraine and Belorussia, while Poles and Jews in Soviet Ukraine and Soviet Belorussia should be repatriated to Poland.
The view that national minorities had been one of the major causes of World War II was a
predominant notion among many European countries at the time; thus, Misilo explains that both sides saw this agreement as the solution to their painful nationalities conflict. The relocation of Ukrainians from Poland to the U.S.S.R. began on October 15, 1944. The terms of the agreement stated that"evacuation is voluntary, therefore coercion can not be applied either indirectly, or directly," and, indeed, during the first few months after the signing of the agreement, many people who werelandless or whose property had been destroyed during the war left Poland. However, in the following year, contrary to the terms of the agreement, the Polish authorities began to apply pressure and to use violence in order to persuade Ukrainians to leave Poland.
The redrawing of Poland's eastern border after World War II constituted a major blow to the Polish state that further worsened relations with the Ukrainian population. Stalin dominated the decision-making process regarding the Polish-Ukrainian border, or the so-called Curzon Line. Officially, he refused to give up the lands which he had annexed during the war, and which the Polish government considered historically Polish territories, because he stated that Western Ukraine should be united with its brothers in Soviet Ukraine.
In reality, Stalin faced no real opposition because, first, Poland remained militarily incapable of challenging him and, second, at the Yalta conference, the Western powers permitted Stalin to include the Eastern European countries within the Soviet Union's sphere of influence.
Thus, the Polish government had no real choice but to accept its new eastern border, which expanded the Ukrainian republic westward, but which left Ukrainian ethnolinguistic territories, such as the Lemko, San River, Chelm, and Podlesia regions within Poland. Although it is difficult to evaluate to what degree Poland's loss of its eastern borderlands and particularly the loss of historic Lviv impacted the Polish community's frame of mind, the realization of a new territorial border in the east must have caused unpleasant disillusionment, which in turn promoted a radical attitude towards the Ukrainian question.
Misilo explains that the Polish communists took up the banner of the building of a Polish nation-state and used anti-Ukrainian propaganda, just as it used anti-German propaganda, as a way to consolidate support. The leadership used the idea of an "enemy," or the Ukrainian population, in order to unite the Polish community and rebuild the country. With the memory of the wartime period of Polish-Ukrainian conflict fresh in their minds, the Polish authorities were not very sympathetic to the Ukrainian minority. Because Poland experienced a major territorial shift, factors other than concern over national minorities may have also contributed to the government's decision to participate in the population exchanges. For example, Misilo adds that the September 1944 Polish-Soviet agreement was signed for economic reasons as well. While Ukraine had lost over 5 million of its citizens during the [Olga's comment: this is grossly underestimated, other research shows Ukraine lost 10 million] war and needed people to work in its collective farms, Poland needed to populate its newly acquired German lands.
Furthermore, given that the agreement included the repatriation of Poles in Ukraine, another significant motive may have been the government's concern for ethnic Poles. In his book. Gross explains how 1.25 million Poles found themselves on the Soviet side of the border between 1939 and 1941 because of various waves of deportation. For example, some Poles went to Poland voluntarily to look for work; some were drafted into the Red Army; some were kept in POW camps after 1939; and about half (about 900,000) were transported as prisoners to labor camps. Therefore, the notion that the Polish government remained concerned for its nationals and wanted to secure their return is valid.
While about 1 million Poles moved to Poland between 1944 and 1946, close to 520,000 Ukrainians were relocated from Poland to the U.S.S.R. One difference regarding these statistics, however, is the argument that many Poles wanted to escape from the harsh conditions under which they suffered in the Soviet Union, whereas many Ukrainians in Poland were forced to leave their ancestral homes. Notwithstanding its concern for its Polish nationals, the brutality to which the Polish government resorted in order to remove Ukrainians testifies to its eagerness to resolve its minority conflict. Before discussing the Polish government's initial steps towards the complete resettlement of its Ukrainian minority, some attention should also be given to the make-up of the Polish leadership and to who held authority in the immediate post-war years. Just as the question of Poland's borders remained confining after World War II, the question of Poland's government caused even more chaos.
At Yalta, Stalin argued with the United States and Great Britain over whether the Lublin committee that the U.S.S.R. had formed and recognized as the"Provisional Polish Government" would play a larger role than the London government-in-exile that was established in Paris in 1939. The communists consolidated their hold over Poland as the Western powers acquiesced and permitted the Lublin Poles (later called the Warsaw Poles) to essentially continue to govern, albeit under the stipulation that the government "be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the inclusion of democratic leaders from Poland itself and Poland abroad. However, because opposition to the Soviet-controlled Lublin government remained widespread after the Yalta conference, the Polish People's Army acquired a key role in the postwar government.
The Lublin government relied on the army to pacify anti-communist forces. Furthermore, in the January 1947 Sejm elections, the Polish Workers Party (the Polish communist party) used army officers "to supervise the vote count" and then later unleashed state terror with military tribunals in order to destroy the rival Polish Peasant Party. Hence, by 1947, a pro-Soviet communist government was solidly in place and the army, which later played a large role in the undertaking of Akcja Wisla, became an important asset to the Polish leadership. The Polish government found that the Ukrainians in southeastern Poland, who were attached to their land, could not be completely evacuated from their ancestral territories through peaceful means. While announcements were made encouraging the Ukrainians to return to their Fatherland, meaning greater Ukraine, the majority of these peoples had no desire to leave the lands which their forefathers had inhabited for centuries. The redrawing of the border held little significance for such Ukrainian ethnographic groups as the Lemkos, who had long been isolated in the Lemko region of the Carpathian Mountains.
The Polish government encountered even more difficulty in persuading the Ukrainian population to relocate to the Soviet Union after Ukrainians, who had voluntarily left, began to illegally return from the U.S.S.R. and to inform the others of the Stalinist repression in the republic of Ukraine. Therefore, the Polish government resorted to significant pressure. Initiatives that were used to compel the Ukrainians to leave included the deprivation of land rights and the liquidation of Ukrainian schools and Greek-Catholic churches. The Polish government even attempted to persuade the leaders of the Ukrainian community to help carry out the resettlement process. On August 24, 1945, the Ministry of Public Administration, on behalf of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers, organized a conference in Warsaw, to which it invited representatives of the Ukrainian population from the Rzeszow, Lublin, and Krakow palatinates. Misilo states that the government was surprised when the Ukrainian representatives came prepared with a statement, which demanded the end to discrimination against Ukrainians and the resolution to the issues of land, education, and religion.
Although a Councilman, by the name of Byeletski, at first responded positively by saying that the Ukrainian population had the right to enjoy the same privileges as the Poles, he recommended nonetheless that the Ukrainians resettle in the Soviet Union in order to eliminate the historical conflict between the Poles and the Ukrainians. Furthermore, the Ukrainian representatives were informed that if a significant portion of the Ukrainian population remained in Poland, it was possible that the Ukrainians would be relocated to other parts of Poland for economic considerations. This last statement holds importance because it shows that the tactic of relocating the Ukrainian population throughout Poland was discussed years before Akcja Wisla (Operation Vistula) began. Thus, during the conference in Warsaw, the Polish leaders expressed their belief that Poland would benefit only by finishing the relocation by any means.
Having failed to evacuate the Ukrainian population through voluntary relocation, the Polish government changed its tactics in August 1945 and adopted a policy of forcible deportation. In early August, the head representative of the Soviet government on the issue of Ukrainian resettlement, Mykola Pidhomyj, approached the Polish authorities with the offer of providing military assistance to speed up the population transfer. The Polish leadership quickly took advantage of the idea to use military force, calling an emergency meeting on August 22nd with the head of the General Staff of the Polish Army, the commanders of the 3rd, 8th. and 9th Infantry Divisions, and the head of the Palatinate (wojewodztwa) Command of Public Safety. With the orders to complete the resettlement plans, three divisions of the Polish Army began the process of forcibly relocating the Ukrainians from the Lesko, Lubaczow, Przemysl, and Sanok districts (powiaty) in September 1945. Misilo notes that the level of brutality used by the army reached extremely high levels. This can be partly explained by the large proportion of soldiers in these divisions that came from the Wolyn region, where OUN units had massacred thousands of Poles in 1943.
Hence, after August 1945, the tempo of the relocation campaign continued to speed up. For example, because divisions were under strict instructions to "completely, relocate the Ukrainian population," when General-colonel Stephan Mossor, Assistant to the Chief of the General Staff of the Polish Army, encountered statistics that listed the tens of thousands of Ukrainian families which still remained in the Krakow, Rzeszow, and Lublin palatinates, he ordered the 8th and 9th Infantry Divisions to increase the number of families being removed from 100 to a minimum of 500 a day per division. The increased tempo of campaign, thus, practically doubled the total number of Ukrainians that were relocated, given that 260,000 of the approximately 500,000 Ukrainians who were relocated from Poland to the U.S.S.R. from October 1944 to August 1946 were deported after September 1945, during the period of forced relocation.
Keeping in mind the argument that the Soviet authorities in Moscow influenced Poland's treatment of its minorities, it is interesting to note that it was the Polish leadership, and not the U.S.S.R., which wished to prolong the agreement on population transfers in mid-1946. The Soviet-Polish agreement, which had already been modified to extend its original completion date, was supposed to end in June, 1946. However, because a portion of the Ukrainian minority still remained in Poland, the Polish leadership wanted to continue the relocation campaign. Nonetheless, as Misilo notes, ". . . in spite of the intensive diplomatic measures of the Polish side, the authorities of the U.S.S.R. did not agree," and the agreement regarding the exchange of minorities came to an end.
Why did the Soviet Union slam the door on continued Ukrainian resettlement? Although further research needs to be undertaken regarding this question, possible reasons can be suggested. For example, perhaps the Soviet reaction suggests that the U.S.S.R. also realized the need to reduce the number of Ukrainians who could give local support to the UPA that was active in the Soviet Union? Or perhaps Stalin decided that enough of the Ukrainian minority had been removed from southeastern Poland to prevent the UPA from gaining significant strength, but that it would be unwise to resettle the entire population because the Soviet Union would lose claim to the Polish border strip that its "brothers" inhabited? Finally, perhaps Stalin, who was a master at playing one group against the other, felt that a limited amount of Polish-Ukrainian tension would be to the U.S.S.R.'s benefit? Yet, regardless of the importance of these questions, as well as their answers, Poland realized in mid-1946 that, without the support of the U.S.S.R., it would have to find another way to solve its Ukrainian problem.
In GaliciaPoland-Ukraine@yahoogroups.com, Laurence Krupnak wrote:
The following articles offer information about the 1944 transfer aggreement:
Advance of Eastern Front through Poland during 1944:
A population exchange agreement was signed by the communist "Polish Committee of National Liberation" and the Soviet government in September 1944, whereby Ukrainians were to move from Poland to Soviet Ukraine and Poles from the USSR to Poland. The transfers were to be voluntary, although Ukrainians were often moved to the USSR by force. As for local Poles [living in USSR], they had a "choice" to stay and undergo another forced collectivization and possibly renewed Stalinist terror -- or move to Poland. The vast majority "chose" the latter. These transfers took place in 1946-47. As mentioned above, most settled in the new western territories, previously in Germany [Prussia].
The first stage occurred at the end of the Second World War. Poland and Soviet Ukraine conducted population exchanges 1⁄2 Poles that resided east of the established Poland-Soviet border were deported to Poland and Ukrainians that resided west of the established Poland-Soviet Union border were deported to Soviet Ukraine. Bilateral agreements were signed between Poland and the USSR on 9 September 1944 and 16 August 1945. As a result of these treaties, some 400,000 Lemkos and Ukrainians were deported to the Ukraine, and some 300,000 managed to stay in their native regions, within the borders of Poland. They lived in such Rusyn former territories as Lemkowszczyzna, Chelmskie and Podlasie.
Poland and Soviet Ukraine conducted population exchanges - Poles that resided east of the established Poland-Soviet border were deported to Poland (c.a. 2,100,000 persons) and Ukrainians that resided west of the established Poland-Soviet Union border were deported to Soviet Ukraine Population transfer to Soviet Ukraine occurred from September 1944 to April 1946 (ca. 450,000 persons). Some Ukrainians (ca. 200,000 persons) left southeast Poland more or less voluntarily (between 1944 and 1945).
Diana Howansky Reilly's new book, Scattered: The Forced Relocation of Poland's Ukrainians after World War II is available for pre-order at Amazon.com and B (for delivery in May 2013.)
"Reilly's engaging book, a valuable historical source, is a homage to the Lemkos, whose world has disappeared forever." — Piotr J. Wróbel, Konstanty Reynert Chair of Polish History, University of Toronto